Southern Sorrow: The 1918-1919 Spanish Influenza Pandemic in Pensacola, Florida
Southern
Sorrow:
The 1918-1919 Spanish Influenza Pandemic in Pensacola, Florida
Jim Rogers
“Influenza Has
Come To Town,” the Crystal Pharmacy proclaimed in bold print upon the “People
and Events” page of the September 29th edition of The Pensacola
Journal.[1] Below the eye-catching
line a list of therapeutic medicines promised to help “give him the reception
that will run him out,” with items like tasteless castor oil, fever
tonic, and grippe cure, all representing the front line defense
against the incoming germ offensive.[2] Adjacent
snippets detailing the personal comings and goings of townsfolk display an
alarming amount of parsimony, with most disclosing descriptions of ill persons
or those recovering from recent ills, and all affirming in print the spreading
truth that the need for grippe cure was on the rise. While Rev. L. Jackson
Adams canceled the evening service for his church on the “corner of Chase and
Cervantes Street,” due to the contraction of illness by the evangelist V.O.
Self, members of his church must have found themselves wondering if a trip to
Crystal Pharmacy would be in their immediate futures.[3]
On the very same
page of Sunday morning press, the Red Cross issued an “urgent call from
headquarters in Atlanta for supplies.”[4] These
supplies included bath towels, sheets, hand towels, and handkerchiefs, all of
which were in constant demand throughout those hospitals in Europe charged with
caring for wounded soldiers during the protracted Great War. Despite the
growing evidence that pandemic illness was, by that time, spreading in
Pensacola, on Sunday, September 29th, 1918, the allied war effort
still demanded national attention. On Monday, September 30th, the
very same Uncle Sam that asked for hospital supplies to assist European
hospitals the day prior, parsed out his “Advice to ‘Flu’ Victims,” on the Journal’s
front page.[5] In unflinching language,
the article described the need to self-quarantine if sick, how to treat the
illness if contracted, and even goes to great length to establish a causal
connection between the origins of the scourge and Europe. The flu treatments
offered by Uncle Sam were none too comforting. “Rest in bed, warmth, fresh air,
abundant food, Dover’s powders for the relief of pain,” were all provided as
forms of curative therapy, with the isolation of the sick in screened beds and the
wearing of gauze face masks listed as the best preventive measures one could
take.[6] However,
one sentence would come to represent the terrifying truth among those who
suffered from the Spanish Flu: “the convalescent requires careful nursing to
avoid serious consequences.”[7] As
would be seen, it was during convalescence that most health complications and
death occurred.
In the blink of an
eye, it seemed that the national and local government had changed its stance on
the flu in Pensacola. City officials announced the indefinite closure of
schools on September, 30th, at the behest of Dr. Paul D. Mossman of
the Public Health Service.[8] This
shift in mindset was accompanied by the addition of an assistant, one Dr. W. K.
Sharp Jr., to aid Dr. Mossman in his efforts to implement sanitary reforms in
the city. Most physicians were still hopeful that the spread of the flu could
be limited locally, and the closure of schools was no inconsequential act.
County Superintendent, A. S. Edwards, justified the decision to close schools
stating that “the decision was not reached hastily, but on the advice of many
physicians beside the head of the U.S. Public Health Service."[9]
Even in the light of Dr. Mossman’s sobering assessment of the transmissibility
and danger of the Spanish Flu, Edward’s maintained a sense of optimism, stating
himself that schools would most likely be opened again within a week. The
reason for Edward’s, and other Pensacola officials, confidence in eradicating
the epidemic on Sept. 30th is hard to pin down. However, it was no doubt tied
to their belief that the flu was on the verge of being defeated in the city.[10]
By October 5th,
Surgeon General Blue was sending down direct orders from Washington, urging the
closure of “churches, schools, theaters and public institutions, in every
community where the malady [had] developed.”[11]
The disease was spreading aggressively. Among U.S. cities and military bases were
where the virus was most rapidly gaining ground, with New England, New Jersey,
Delaware, Pennsylvania, and Alabama leading in case totals.[12]
Though total figures of ill citizens were difficult to calculate, the numbers
of victims among army camps were recorded with institutional efficiency. Thirteen
thousand flu patients lined the beds of hospitals and medical tents.[13] Sensing
the immediate need for relief funds, a headquarters for the Pensacola
Emergency Relief Committee was established on 125 South Palafox street,
occupying the same office building as the Liberty Loan Committee.[14]
On its opening day, October 5th, 1918, the Pensacola Emergency
Relief Committee began soliciting monetary donations and the aid of young
boys from the local area to deliver medications to those sick with flu. Meanwhile,
the Liberty Loan Drive was suspended indefinitely due to an excess of
sick workers.[15]
As of October 10th,
the flu had spread to the Pacific coast. The wave of grippe now extended from
east of the Mississippi westward, with no state spared.[16] Despite
this fact, a conflicting scene played out on the front page of the Pensacola
Journal that Thursday morning. While on the left-hand side of the paper,
the national headlines spoke of a spreading contagion, on the right-hand side,
in bold and triumphant letters, the paper declared that the “INFLUENZA EPIDEMIC
IS IN CONTROL.”[17] The article did not
describe the firm grip that Enza had on Pensacola and the country, but
rather portrayed the victorious effort of state and local officials. Lee
McDonell of the Emergency Relief Committee, who made the initial
statement, followed up this cautious optimism with a warning to the public, proclaiming
that they “must not slacken their efforts for one moment if the situation is to
continue good.”[18] This confused approach
typifies the type of interplay that went on during the Pensacola flu epidemic,
as local officials tried to keep the public calm in the face of profoundly
unsettling, and mostly unpredictable, daily events. This paternalistic stance
may have been misguided, but the Journal was nothing if not consistent
in this approach.
Regardless of
their moral stance, Pensacola officials had to concede that the public closures
were far from over, with flu cases exploding in places like Philadelphia, where
4,013 cases reported on October 9th alone.[19]
Though official fatality figures were not made public regarding Pensacola flu deaths,
one need only look to the obituaries to see the ghostly traces of the disease.
Men and women in their mid-30’s, infants as young as 15 months, and aspiring
twenty-somethings, dot these pages revealing the “terrible w,” as it would
later be called, in its rawest form.[20]
As October 11th opened, the neighboring counties relayed that they,
too, were overrun with flu. Santa Rosa, Walton, and Okaloosa all reported widespread
cases, their obituaries overflowing with the same loss of youth.[21]
In response, on October 12th, Surgeon-General Blue sent two
additional doctors from the U.S. Public Health Service to aid Dr. W.K.
Sharp, who had taken over direction of the emergency relief campaign from Dr. Mossman
sometime after his arrival on September 29th.[22]
Dr. Sharp maintained that two new doctors were coming to help, but that the
epidemic was still under control despite conflicting evidence that showed a
high prevailing death rate within the city.[23] Paternalism
was still not saving lives, but it did seem to help some officials save face. As
Dr. Sharp offered victorious rhetoric, the Red Cross quietly sent additional
nurses to aid in the local relief effort.[24]
Beulah, Florida,
announced the closure of its schools on October 12th, confirming
that even the rural areas surrounding Pensacola were experiencing the rapid
spread of flu victims.[25] Quincy,
Florida, announced over a thousand flu cases on October 13th. Two of
those cases were resident doctors, leaving only three doctors to tend the multitudes
of newly infected citizens.[26] Their
schools and public institutions were previously closed to avoid the spread of
the disease, but that had not kept the bug from sneaking into town. These rural
outbreaks highlighted the pathogen’s tendency to spread among impoverished
communities with ease, even with social distancing measures in place. These
country towns highlighted the need for a coordinated municipal effort to
sterilize and sanitize public and private areas, a need that many small towns
could not serve. Seeing this, the citizens of Pensacola realized their need for
a coordinated sanitation effort, pushing for a year round cleaning service that
kept the city clear of filth.[27]
The impetus to cleanse the city was synonymous with a rising call for self-purification.
The “Vox Populi” segment in the Pensacola News Journal implored its
readers to consider the question: “does Christ heal today?” The flu was shaping
Pensacola’s vision of the city’s future, both secularly and spiritually.[28]
Public gathering
bans were extended on October 20th, as emergency committee officials
claimed that the flu virus was “checked but not suppressed.”[29]
“Several hundred cases were still under treatment” at the time, and the fear of
re-opening too quickly was a primary concern.[30]
The forced, yet cautious, optimism of the committee was not supported by any
factual information. Rather, it was the product of institutional rhetoric. The
articles in the Journal that contain such optimism frequently contradict
themselves. A pattern begins to emerge in the composition of these articles,
and it is essentially the compliment sandwich: good news, bad news, then good
news again. The articles conflict with one another from day to day, revealing
the improvisational manner in which events and solutions unfolded. On October
12th, the Journal had reported that no new doctors were
needed, however on the 20th, quiet calls for volunteers resumed.[31]
Although city officials and relief committee members exuded confidence in their
ability to “check” the disease, it was a hollow confidence.
On November 11th,
1918, World War 1 came to an end. The emphatic headline, “PEACE,” plastered on
the Journal’s front page made it appear as though the flu had never
existed, that the war had not shifted to an entirely different front.[32]
Pensacola has always been a military town with a strong naval presence, which
helps explains why so much focus was placed upon the war effort in the Journal.
While most articles relating to the flu
were juxtaposed with advertisements for honey and tar, calotabs, or laxatives,
all certain to help an individual beat the flu, (and all making bold guarantees
about the efficacy of their product), the front page was generally reserved for
politics and military updates.[33] A
possible reason for the lack of front page coverage concerning the flu is that,
in truth, no one was close to understanding how to cure the disease. Some of
the advertised medicinal remedies could have been helpful, but it is difficult
to ascertain how effective sterilizing one’s nose with eucalypti was for
illness prevention.[34] The
surplus of medication ads throughout the Journal’s daily publications make
clear how desperate the public was for a cure to the scourge, for an end to
their ongoing fight. The Great War of Europe might have ended on the front
page, but on the inner pages a dogged war-at-home was raging.
The influenza
epidemic killed more Americans than any enemy force in WWI. The casualty list
released on November 17th placed the total deaths from war at
27,789.[35]
In contrast, the deaths from flu that occurred between September 14th
and November 10th totaled 82,306.[36] Thankfully,
the worst of the flu season faded with the end of the war. The transition from
curative remedies to restorative remedies, as observed in advertisement trends,
signaled the shifting focus toward managing those in convalescence or those
with lingering side-effects.[37]
The feeling of weakness and lethargy stayed with individuals for days, weeks,
or months, and so, an eager medical industry ramped up the production of
anecdotal fix-alls. In March of 1919, it would be the medical industry that
raised the warning bell for the oncoming flu season, their ads reminding
concerned consumers that the grippe would return, and when it did, they would
need to be ready.[38]
As 1918 ended and
1919 opened, a campaign to stamp out the flu with aggressive social distancing
measures gave way to the lifting of seating bans; a cautious return to normalcy for Pensacolans.[39] However,
even with flu cases ebbing in the city, the continued advertisement of
therapeutic remedies revealed a glimpse into a future wherein the flu would
return annually to harvest human souls with little restraint. The lessons of
1918 were not lost on the people of Pensacola, and in January of 1919, they
demanded that county commissioners formally address the sanitation issue within
the city.[40] As the people of
Pensacola had not let the tragedies of 1918 fall on deaf ears, neither had their
fellow Americans. Sensing the oncoming storm at the end of July the public
pressed congress to pass the Harding-Fess Bill, an “anti-flu” bill which would
allot $5,000,000 to a committee charged with investigating causes of the flu
and effective forms of therapy to treat the illness.[41] Despite
these measures, the threat of the flu remained potent throughout 1919, conveyed
through calls by the Board of Health for parents to brace themselves for
the upcoming season and ads peddling drugstore products full of false security.[42] The
“PEACE” of 1919 was a fading dream. The citizens of Pensacola could sense as
much when the air began to cool, as if news of the invisible enemy were
broadcast on the wind. Amidst shadows grown long with summer’s passing, a
little bird named Enza flew, its mournful song penetrating every open
window.
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[3]
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[4]
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[5]
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[6]
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[7]
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[9]
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[10]
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[11]
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[12]
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[13]
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[14]
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[16]
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[17]
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[18]
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[19]
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[21]
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[23]
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[24]
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[26]
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[27]
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[28]
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[29]
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[30]
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[31]
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[32]
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[33]
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[34]
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[36]
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[37]
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[38] "The Board of Health Claims the Spanish Influenza
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[39] "Seating Ban is Lifted- Theaters
Not Restricted." The Pensacola Journal, January 28, 1919, 8.
[40]
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[41]
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[42]
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6.

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